White Flight : Atlanta And The Making Of Modern Conservatism

In “Reconstruction Revisited”, Eric Foner reexamines the political, social, and economic experiences of black and white Americans in the aftermath of the Civil War. With the help of many historian works, Foner gives equal representation to both sides of the Reconstruction argument.

Although it did temporarily provide African Americans with de jure equality, Radical Reconstruction did not eliminate the intrinsic barriers of prejudice and neglect to African American prosperity in the South and did not keep freedmen from being once again disenfranchised to sharecropping and enslaved to debt after Northern supervision stagnated. Freedom, as defined by Garrison Frazier, a Baptist minister representing Savannah’s black community, was “placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor, and take care of ourselves,” and African Americans were unable to do that despite laws that purportedly freed African Americans. In fact, most of the impacts of Radical Reconstruction—an abandoned black community, a makeshift union, and an empowered white supremacy movement overlooked by a corrupt state government system—could have been achieved by simply engaging with the normal Reconstruction. Radical Reconstruction may have actually been worse because of the widened rift between the North and the South, with resentment of the federal government’s military intervention fostering a reluctancy for the South to cooperate. Even though African Americans would have to wait decades for a semblance of justice, it is perhaps for the better that the North did not force the South the alter their worldview. For the United States government is not Orwell’s thought police, and the nation’s laws are unable to oversee every single interaction and microaggression that citizens face as a result of others’ preconceived notions and judgements. Considering that both gentle and strict approaches were tried, there is very little that officials could have done to feasibly create a perfect reconstruction, and hitting with a heavier hand would only further a stronger backlash. If they had done any one thing better, it would have

In the year 1898 in the town of Wilmington, North Carolina a riot occurred between the African American inhabitants and the white minority of the city. Several historians accuse the origin of the riot on racism and white supremacy. Although these two beliefs have been around for countless years, and African Americans received the right to vote almost thirty years’ prior, no demonstration nor aggressive threats, to the point in which was seen in 1898, had occurred in Wilmington until that year. The Wilmington Race Riot was the reaction of the “sociopolitical conditions” that were being applied by the Democratic Party to win the election through a sequence of diabolical campaign tactics just like creating partial accusations about the “negroes” of the town thus, creating unconstitutional practices, and threatening their existence.

With the arrival of the 1920’s, new battles fought between traditionalist rural society and modernist urban civilization arose in the postwar United States. These urban-rural culture wars of this time period represent the everlasting conflict between conservatives and liberals. The 1920 census demonstrated to traditionalists that their views were under attack by the modernists who gradually came to outnumber them. Traditionalists were disturbed that they were losing a battle against immigrants who didn’t understand or appreciate “old American values” and against their own children, a new generation of rebellious youth who brought about sexual revolution, materialism, and skepticism.

Recent events that have highlighted racial tension in the United States have had even a larger number of opinions that vary regarding why the nation continues to struggle with such a challenging issue. In our text Chapter 6 titled “The City/Suburban Divide” (Judd & Swanstrom, 2015, p. 136) identifies a subject that very well may contribute to the tension. A reference to the “urban crisis” describes a landscape that is littered with “high levels of segregation, inequality and poverty, along with racial and ethnic tensions.” (Judd, et al., p. 165) Many scholars argue that the crisis was a result of the demographic changes the nation experienced following World War II as advancements in technology and infrastructure aided White Mobility. The term “White Flight” has been used to describe a massive relocation early in the twentieth century when the White Middle-Class population left the cities for suburban areas following the great migration.

“It is a time when one’s spirit is subdued and sad,” wrote Mark Twain in his bitter, nihilistic satire on the post-Reconstruction era of the United States: The Gilded Age. “[T]he past seems a storm-swept desolation…What is the use of struggling, and toiling and worrying anymore?” Such was the mood of the late 1800s; the racism and prejudice that had festered in the pre-Civil War South had not abated, and progress in civil rights was undermined by indifference among Northerners and Southerners alike. The deep sectional divisions from the War had not yet been repaired, and the struggle between justice and unity was bloody and heated. The deadly tug-of-war between the two culminated in a win for unity; Reconstruction ended not with the blessings and consent of freedmen, but with a quiet compromise between apathetic bureaucrats.

In “Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case Study,” Lawrence Goodwyn keys in on the triumphs of the People 's Party in Grimes County, Texas. I discovered Populism in Grimes County is the narrative of an interracial alliance that had its beginning in Reconstruction and persevered for more than an era. I resolved why the long post-Reconstruction period emerges as the social request that has been composed progressively along racial lines; the time period encroached as a brief gleaming light in parts of the South. I learned how some white Southerners have generally been a spread for the district 's skepticism and other issues. Goodwyn establishes a viewpoint about the possible results for a greater number of individuals voting in a free society. I understand that the variables of pressure and coercion caused an end to influence at the polling stations; there was corruption occurring with vote counts. The Grimes County story significantly describes this disappointment; however in the understanding, it gives into the hidden legislative issues of black disfranchisement and the accomplishment of a solid single-party political environment in the American South it is not one of a kind.

In the empirical article, “Black Philly after the Philadelphia Negro,” Marcus Anthony Hunter examines the once populated Seventh Ward and the effects that political neglect and racial barriers had on this primarily black area, which ultimately led to its urban decay. Similarly, in recent years, we see this occurring in Vesterbro, Copenhagen. However, we notice how the neglect towards Vesterbro stems from other factors such as immigration, crime, and a poor economy. Hunter examined the archives of the Seventh Ward, specifically after W.E.B. Du Bois’ initial study of the Seventh Ward. From the 1920s through the 1940s, Hunter found that the poor living conditions did not improve. Instead, they were constant, suggesting that Republican politicians neglected this black area. “This period also offers a historical window into the shifting allegiances of black Americans, and their retreat from the Republican Party and embrace of the Democratic Party” (Hunter). Hunter claimed that the shift in

On July 2, after signing the 1964 Civil Rights Act, President Lyndon B. Johnson reportedly said to his staff, “I think we just gave the South to the Republicans for your lifetime and mine.” (Perlstein 365) He was wrong. Although he never lived to see it, Jimmy Carter won a Democratic South in 1976 - but it was for the last time. Nonetheless, the party which had dominated the South for almost a century had put it up for grabs with the stroke of a pen. The impact of racism on presidential politics during the ‘60s is difficult to overstate. Race and racially coded language in particular played a profound role in the GOPs success at winning

After the Reconstruction era, African Americans were granted citizenry in the United States through the abolition of slavery. As blacks sought to live among American culture, white citizens, primarily based in the South, came under rage. Thus, white supremacy became prominent in the United States after the Reconstruction era, a period also called the Nadir. This erupted into a series of violent attacks against the black community and many legislations to deny blacks the immunities and privileges granted to all people in the constitution.

The Ku Klux Klan, also known as the Klan or the KKK, originated in Pulaski,

An analysis composed by Heather Cox Richardson, Harvard Graduate and professor of history at Boston College, speculates the key reason for deserted Southern reconstruction and integration of black Americans into the politico-economic order was rooted in the North’s fear of anarchic/Communist ideology enlightening African American workers if industry was established in the south. The events involving foreign affairs and socialist revolutions, primarily in France with the creation of a workers collective, was disconcerting to the industrial corporate sector in the north, whose lobbying and executive precedence was vast but not in favor of the majority of middle class workers*(Independent Document 2). Thus, these fears of Union rule translated into the propagating of the media, sensationalizing the harms of African American integration into the political order, especially in the legislative branch of the federal government, as compromising capitalist industry and implementing state sponsored Communism.

In the early 1960’s Dallas was a town created by commerce and oil. At this time, Dallas had approximately 747,000 people who were mostly white Protestants (O’Reilly 227). The people of Dallas are only concerned about two things: money and politics. People in Dallas are not only republican, but they also refuse to trust people of different political viewpoints. With the murder rates gradually rising, this heated town is not a substantial place for Democrats to visit.

This book makes clear that the struggle for racial equality was nationwide and not just isolated to certain geographical locations. A common misconception about the civil rights movement is that blatant racism was a problem only encountered in the Deep South. However, Waiting ‘Til the Midnight Hour does a great job of clarifying this misconception and showing the many elements of the struggle for justice that blacks from coast to coast experienced.

The Columbian University journalism professor Nicholas Lemann’s aim of writing this book is to look at the brutal campaign of fraud and violence during the mid-1870s that ultimately led to the restoration of conservative, white governments in some southern states. The author focuses on the reconstruction of Mississippi. He stirs memories of the murderous Southern resistance and to civil rights movements 90 years later. Lemann writes at an era when neo-Confederate sympathies have cropped up again in southern politics, and amid several reports of the suppression of the minority voting throughout the country. Mr. Lemann presents the last battle of the Civil War.